The nationwide creation of same-sex marriage seems
all but inevitable.
At least that’s what many journalists, pundits and
activists would have us believe. But nothing could be further from the truth.
The national debate over marriage remains robust and
important. In many ways it is only beginning. Whatever the outcome of the
Supreme Court’s deliberations this spring, the only thing that’s inevitable is
this: Americans will keep talking about the issue well into the future – and
with good reason.
Appeals to “marriage equality” make for good
sloganeering but sloppy reasoning. Every law makes distinctions; equality
before the law protects citizens from arbitrary ones. Marriage equality demands
knowing what marriage is.
Marriage exists to bring a man and a woman together
as husband and wife to be father and mother to any children their union
produces. Marriage is based on the biological fact that reproduction depends on
a man and a woman, and on the social reality that children need a mother and a
father.
Marriage predates government. It is the fundamental
building block of human civilization. All Americans, not just conservatives,
should respect this crucial institution of civil society. Indeed, 41 states
affirm that marriage is the union of a man and a woman.
Government recognizes marriage because it benefits
society in a way that no other relationship does. Marriage is society’s least
restrictive means to ensure the well-being of children. State recognition of
marriage protects children by encouraging men and women to commit to each other
and take responsibility for their children. While respecting everyone’s liberty
– nothing is made illegal by marriage laws – government recognizes, protects
and promotes marriage as the ideal institution for childbearing and
childrearing.
But redefining marriage to include same-sex
relationships would further distance marriage from the needs of children. It
would deny as a matter of policy the ideal that a child needs a mom and a dad.
Decades of social science show that children tend to
do best when raised by a married mother and father. The confusion resulting
from further delinking childbearing from marriage would force the state to
intervene more often in family life, prompting welfare programs to grow even
more.
In recent years marriage has been weakened by a
revisionist view that is more about adults’ desires than children’s needs.
Americans increasingly are tempted to think that marriage is simply whatever
sort of relationship consenting adults want it to be: sexual or platonic,
sexually exclusive or “open,” temporary or permanent.
Redefining marriage to exclude the idea that it is
fundamentally related to the union of a man and woman would make emotional
intensity the only thing left to set marriage apart from other relationships.
Redefining marriage would put a new principle into law – that marriage is
whatever emotional bond the government says it is.
No principled reason could be offered for why an
emotional union should be permanent. Or limited to two persons. Or exclusive.
But marriage can’t do the work that society needs it
to do for generations to come if the norms are weakened further. All of us who
care about a thriving civil society, with institutions capable of limiting the
state and its power, should be alarmed.
The cases before the Supreme Court provide an
important opportunity for Americans to discuss three questions: What is
marriage? Why does it matter for public policy? And what are the consequences
of redefining marriage?
Americans have good reasons to conclude that
marriage exists to bring a man and a woman together to be father and mother to
any children they have together. All Americans have the freedom to live as they
choose, but no one has the right to redefine marriage for all of us.
The future of our country relies upon the future of
marriage. And the future of marriage depends not only on our understanding of
what it is and why it matters, but on demanding that government policies
support, not undermine, true marriage.
About the author: Ryan T. Anderson researches and
writes about marriage and religious liberty as the William E. Simon Fellow in
Religion and a Free Society at The Heritage Foundation.
This article was published by The Heritage
Foundation.
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