In fact, the two most recent efforts to provide
states with greater flexibility to move families from poverty to prosperity
have been met by outrage and condemnation by the right. It seems that
conservatives do believe that “big government” knows best so long as federal
policy fits the conservative agenda. I call this the politics of “convenient
federalism.”
Our founders set up a federalist system with the
notion that different levels of government can and should have different types
of responsibilities, and that shared power would lead to better outcomes for
our democracy. While progressives and conservatives can and should have
different philosophies on the size and role of government, it is disingenuous
for conservatives to only cry “big government” when the outcomes don’t suit
their preferences while they champion policies that would impose top-down
conservative solutions by taking away state flexibility and undercutting state
innovations.
The latest example occurred on July 12, when the U.
S. Department of Health and Human Services announced that it will grant waivers
on the work requirements for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
program, which among other things imposes time limits and work requirements for
poor Americans on welfare. The goal of the waivers is to allow states to test
out innovative strategies and policies to improve employment outcomes for poor
families within the welfare-to-work guidelines of this 1996 law.
Judging by the conservative response, you’d think
that the sky had fallen. Speaker of the House John Boehner (R-OH) called it a
“partisan disgrace.” Robert Rector of the conservative Heritage Foundation
declared, “the end of welfare reform as we know it.”
All this sky-is-falling rhetoric from the right came
despite the fact that the request for more flexibility was coming from
Republican as well as Democratic governors.
Let’s pause and take a moment to breathe here. The
proposed waiver does not allow states to simply suspend or eliminate the work
requirements for families on welfare. Rather it clearly states that the
government will only grant waivers on innovations that are designed to lead to
more effective strategies to move low-income families from welfare to work. At
a time when the program’s incentive structure leads too many states to simply
kick struggling families off of assistance rather than improve recipients’
long-term employment prospects, the waivers will provide states with the
flexibility to shift their focus to employment outcomes for families instead of
outputs such as simply counting participation in work activities regardless of
whether or not they have a track record of leading to self-sufficiency.
Some of these “radical strategies’ that could
qualify for waivers include:
-Engaging low-income families in more education and
training that leads to career pathways
-Facilitating evaluations of bipartisan subsidized
employment programs to create job opportunities for low-income workers
-Testing new strategies that more effectively engage
people with disabilities
-These are all approaches that in theory should be
bipartisan.
Similarly, conservatives are up in arms about giving
states flexibility to provide greater pathways into the middle-class for
families receiving nutrition aid. Just one day before the brouhaha over the Temporary
Assistance to Needy Families waiver, House Republicans on the Agriculture
Committee took additional actions to take flexibility away from state
governments on administering food stamps, now called the Supplemental Nutrition
Assistance Program.
Currently, 40 states, with Democratic and Republican
governors, use a provision known as “categorical eligibility,” which grants
states the flexibility to eliminate or raise the limits on the value of assets
families can possess before losing nutrition assistance.
These asset limits often keep families mired in
poverty because they risk losing needed food aid if they save enough money to
fix their car, put away money in case of an emergency, or pay tuition to
improve their long-term job prospects. This provision also reduces state
paperwork and provides for better coordination among various programs that help
low-income families.
Yet on July 11, Republicans on the House Agriculture
Committee voted to strip away this state flexibility, which if implemented,
would kick over 2 million people off of nutrition assistance, and deprive
nearly 300,000 low-income schoolchildren off automatic access to free school
lunch—all while increasing administrative burdens on state governments.
So Republicans, the party of “small government,”
have this month voted to take flexibility away from states administering
nutrition assistance and condemned efforts by the Department of Health and
Human Services to provide greater room for states to innovate in improving
employment outcomes for poor families. This is cynical “convenient federalism”
on the part of conservatives.
What’s worse, their stance only reinforces the
notion that our leaders are more interested in scoring political points than in
coming together to solve big problems. While holding different views on the
right size of government, both progressives and conservatives should be able to
embrace initiatives that advance a smarter government that looks for solutions
and innovations at all levels of our democracy. When they don’t, it’s not just
the poor, but all of us that suffer the consequences.
About the author: Melissa Boteach is Director of the
Poverty and Prosperity program at the Center for American Progress Action Fund,
and Director of the Action Fund’s Half in Ten anti-poverty program.
This article was published by the Center for
American Progress.
No comments:
Post a Comment