Well, it turns out that institutions and their
policies can be among the most virulent carriers of racism for a range of
reasons. First, the impact of institutions is more potent and widespread than
that of individuals—and it lasts longer. Second, the causes are complex—usually
some mixture of social bias, historical injustice, economic pressure, and
political expediency. And third, the harm is often so hard to spot that
institutional racism can take on the patina of neutrality and seem as if it is
“normal life.”
For all these reasons, institutional racism and
racist policies are difficult to eradicate. Before you even try, you need to
identify them, which is hard to do if you do not live in a directly affected
community. If your neighborhood, for example, has not been decimated by unjust
drug-sentencing policies or starved of economic opportunity, you might believe
that the criminal justice system is basically fair and that offenders deserve
their sentences. You might likewise think that if folks living in low-income
neighborhoods would only act in a more responsible way, those neighborhoods
would attract small businesses, grocery stores, and banks.
What is missing in this analysis is the residue of
racial policies developed in the past—as well as the impact of those more recent—all
of which demark a limited sense of who belongs in the community we call America
and stack the deck against those who are seen as the “others.” Despite our
rhetoric of patriotic inclusion, the stubborn fact is that certain groups,
especially African Americans, have long been excluded by law and by custom from
fully belonging. The consequences of this exclusion are harmful to African
Americans themselves and to America as a whole.
If we are to be a thriving nation in the 21st
century, we need to take a clear-eyed look at institutional racism in order to
identify and eradicate pockets of deep-seated injustice that are holding back
significant numbers of our fellow citizens.
The criminal justice system is a good place to
start—in particular, the disproportionate impact of the war on drugs on black
people. Although white and black people engage in illegal drug activity at
comparable rates, arrests, sentencing, time served, and post-prison
employability for blacks is shockingly harsher than it is for whites.
Here are a few statistics to prove the point:
According to a 2010 report by Human Rights Watch, blacks are arrested for drug
offenses at rates that are 2 to 11 times higher than whites. A report by the
U.S. Sentencing Commission, also from 2010, shows that black offenders in the
federal system get sentences that are 10 percent longer than white offenders
for the same crime. And a study by the American Academy of Political and Social
Science shows that 17 percent of white job applicants with criminal records are
called back by potential employers, while only 5 percent of black job
applicants with criminal records do.
This racial discrepancy recently struck me after
reading two books. The first book was The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in
the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander. It paints a compelling picture
of the deeply embedded racial inequalities in the criminal justice system and
exposes the racial, economic, and political causes of how this system came to
be, as well as its consequences.
The second book, Wild: From Lost to Found on the
Pacific Crest Trail by Cheryl Strayed, is a memoir of a young woman who
experienced great personal loss and embarked on a challenging physical and
emotional journey that led to her healing. I read it right after The New Jim
Crow, which is probably why I was so struck by Strayed’s discussion of her
heroin use.
She describes snorting, smoking, and shooting up
heroin after her mother’s death and her own divorce, saying it was “compelling,
destructive and confusing as hell.” Missing on the pages of her tale, however,
is any account of her being stopped by the police, arrested, tried, and
sentenced. Absent altogether is any expressed fear of being caught and legally
punished for her felonious acts. Her drug use is instead framed as a
significant aspect of her personal journey.
Strayed is a young white woman who bought and used
heroin in Minnesota. She is also someone who had the good fortune to learn from
her mistakes and become a best-selling author. She did not become a convicted
felon serving a maximum mandatory sentence and did not face a bleak future
without any job prospects after her release.
I imagine that Strayed is a fine human being. But so
are the thousands of black people, mostly men and boys, serving time in our
prisons for crimes less serious than hers. Their lives have just as much value
and worth. But the institutional racism of the criminal justice system inflicts
enormous human damage —with its private corporations seeking to increase
profits by growing the number of inmates, its law-enforcement practices of
racial profiling, and its political and social abandonment of our urban
centers.
To be operative, institutional racism does not
require conscious complicity or overt bigotry. It simply requires that no one
challenges its skewed premise about belonging, human worth, and dignity.
In an article for The Huffington Post, Bill Quigley,
a law professor at Loyola University, says that the criminal justice system
needs more than reform. He quotes Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in calling for “a
radical revolution of values.” Quigley adds that “we must go to the root of the
problem. Not reform. Not better beds in better prisons. We are not called to
only trim the leaves or prune the branches, but rip up this unjust system by
its roots.”
About the author: Sally Steenland is Director of the
Faith and Progressive Policy Initiative at the Center for American Progress.
Steenland, a best-selling author, former newspaper columnist, and teacher,
explores the role of religion and values in the public sphere.
This article was published by the Center for
American Progress.
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