Alabama’s prisons face significant pressure from a
number of sources. The annual cost to house an Alabama Department of
Corrections (ADOC) inmate was $15,118.30, as recently as fiscal year 2009. When
multiplied by the 32,000 inmates housed in 29 facilities statewide, the
budgetary impact becomes apparent. More importantly, the U.S. Bureau of Justice
statistics show that Alabama’s state prisons are operating at nearly 200
percent of their physical capacity to hold inmates. This overcrowding increases
danger to prison staff, may result in costly litigation, and creates
significant pressure to build costly new facilities.
For years these problems have gone unanswered,
largely for political reasons. For many legislators, the very mention of prison
sentencing reform inspires the political fear of being labeled “soft on crime.”
After a series of failed prison sentencing reform
measures, including those pushed by former Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme
Court Sue Bell Cobb (D), Senator Cam Ward (R-Alabaster) spearheaded a
successful effort to place practical concerns of managing Alabama’s prisons
before political expediency.
Alabama’s new prison sentencing reform law largely
removes politics from the equation. The Alabama Sentencing Commission’s (ASC)
recommendations will now become law unless specifically rejected by the
Legislature. This means the Commission has the latitude to make difficult
sentencing decisions that will be cost-effective and keep Alabamians safe.
Senator Ward’s efforts begin the process towards
meaningful sentencing reform, but the ASC faces a difficult task in actually
developing common-sense reforms. Rather than simply implementing broad
generalizations that reduce sentences for certain nonviolent crimes, the ASC
must develop an empirically-based risk assessment tool to evaluate individual
inmates who are eligible for alternative (non-prison) sanctions. In other
words, the ASC must identify the factors that make an inmate likely to commit
the same or worse crimes again when evaluating his or her sentence.
After implementing similar risk assessment-based
reforms, Virginia, which was a model for Ward’s legislation, saw its
incarceration rate increase by only six percent from 1994 to 2000, well below
the national average of 22 percent. Using alternative sanctions based on
factual indicators of recidivism rather than broadly reducing sentences for
nonviolent crimes may allow Alabama to avoid “the mass release of prisoners,”
alleviate budgetary pressures, and give some inmates a chance to turn their
lives around.
Prison sentencing reform may not be at the top of
the list for many Alabamians. But as one of the state’s most significant
budgetary line items, the challenges facing Alabama’s prison system simply
cannot be ignored. Easy, noncontroversial cuts to Alabama’s state budget are
becoming much harder to come by which means Ward’s reform initiatives could not
have arrived at a more opportune time.
About the author: Cameron Smith is General Counsel and Policy Director for the Alabama Policy Institute, a non-partisan, non-profit research and education organization dedicated to the preservation of free markets, limited government and strong families, which are indispensable to a prosperous society.
This article was published by the Alabama Policy Institute.
This article was published by the Alabama Policy Institute.
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