The 45 words that protect our religious liberty,
freedoms of speech and press, and the rights of assembly and petition, adopted
in 1791, begin with the phrase “Congress shall make no law….” And for more than
a century, courts saw the First Amendment through that legal lens, as
restricting only federal laws and actions.
But beginning in the 1920s the U.S. Supreme Court
started, case-by-case, to apply the First Amendment to the states through the
due-process clause of the 14th Amendment. With an eye toward current
controversies, it’s worth considering the meandering path in which we have
regulated, or decided not to regulate, new media and the technology of
providing information, entertainment and communication.
We wasted little time as a nation trying to limit
what editors could print, enacting in 1798 the Sedition Act, an attempt to
squelch press criticism of Congress and the president. That early try at
limiting free expression via the printing press quickly failed, and the act was
allowed to expire within a few years.
Early laws and attempts to limit distribution of
salacious images — from early “French postcards” and erotica, through movies,
to videos on the Web — faced not only problems of legal definitions, but also
the evolution of technology that kept content creators at least one step ahead
of legislators-as-censors.
Pay-per-view movies and premium satellite channels
have made attempts to close down “adult stores” seem quaint, and that was
before the explosion of sex-saturated websites.
Movies became mass entertainment in the 1920s and
prompted industry self-censorship in the 1930s to forestall congressional
action. It was not until 1952 that the Supreme Court extended free-expression
protection to motion pictures, in the landmark Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson decision
involving the film “The Miracle.”
Broadcasters labored until the 1980s under an
unworkable FCC requirement called the Fairness Doctrine that purported to
ensure all political voices would be heard on radio and television, but wound
up having just the opposite effect. It was easier to keep voices off rather
than accommodate them.
Congress has made several attempts, beginning in the
1990s, to ban or limit sexually themed content from the Web that it views as
dangerous to children. Those laws largely have been seen by the courts as far
too broad and restrictive of adult rights. The one part of those efforts that
survives — Section 230 — protects Internet service providers and operations
like Wikipedia from being sued successfully for defamatory posts and comments
posted by others.
The newest battleground involves now-pervasive
social media, where various First Amendment claims are being asserted by
Facebook and Twitter or their users. From protection of posters’ identities, to
the assertion that the “Like” button is free speech, to forced disclosure of
private passwords and access to social networks, courts once again are taking
up the challenge of applying old law to new circumstances.
Can courts force social-networking companies to
disclose the names of those who post comments under pseudonyms, or will
traditional protections for anonymous speech apply in this new venue? Twitter
is resisting an attempt in New York to force disclosure.
Is “liking” a candidate on a Facebook page protected
political expression — akin to wearing a T-shirt with a candidate’s slogan — or
does it lack the basic meaning to rise from simple action to free speech? A
federal district judge in Virginia says it falls short, but that decision has
been appealed.
Does a tune become dangerous by virtue of being
available on YouTube? The 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals on Aug. 27 upheld
the conviction of a Tennessee man who appeared in a YouTube video singing a
menacing song aimed at a county judge who was handling his child-custody case.
Does Twitter and its 140-character message format
qualify as protected speech? The American Civil Liberties Union, in a
friend-of-the-court brief involving a New York state case and the Occupy
movement, asserts that tweets are just that. It tells the court, “we have the
right to speak freely on the Internet, safe in the knowledge that the
government cannot obtain information about our communications or our private
information unless law enforcement first satisfies First Amendment scrutiny.”
The path First Amendment law has taken evokes a
timeworn saying: “Everything old is new again.”
About the author: Gene Policinski, senior vice president and executive director of the First Amendment Center, is a veteran journalist whose career has included work in newspapers, radio, television and online.
This article was published by the First Amendment Center.
This article was published by the First Amendment Center.
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