But the issue is about far more than guns. Our
country is beginning to witness a head-on collision between the exercise of the
First and Second Amendments.
The Second Amendment states, in part, "the
right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed."
Most guns are designed to be powerful and even
lethal. That is precisely what makes them useful for hunting, self-defense,
sport shooting and military combat. The first lesson that gun owners learn is
to always treat a firearm as if it is loaded. This respect for firearms aims to
prevent accidents and foster a sense of needed responsibility.
But Americans favoring enhanced gun restrictions
largely see the Second Amendment as enabling criminal gun violence, rather than
preserving an important protection of personal liberty. Their basic argument is
that gun owners should not need any more firepower than is necessary for
certain "legitimate" functions such as hunting or sport shooting.
Anything else is not worth the risk to society.
And many have tried to impose restrictions on the
Second Amendment to mitigate that risk. One of the most risk adverse laws
passed was the District of Columbia's ban on handguns and requirement that all
firearms be locked or disassembled in homes where they were legally owned. In
2008, the Supreme Court struck down the law as infringing the individual right
to possess a firearm and use it for traditionally lawful purposes.
But this type of unconstitutional restriction fails
to recognize that the problem with gun violence in America is not the Second Amendment;
it is the abusive and criminal exercise of the right it affords.
While the tangible presence of guns opens the Second
Amendment to scrutiny in the face of violent crimes, supporters of aggressive
firearm regulation frequently gloss over the misuse of the First Amendment that
also contributes to violent behavior.
The First Amendment states, "Congress shall
make no law...abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press." But what
America's founders largely viewed as protecting political speech from government
intimidation has changed radically over time.
Our culture has a love affair with violence and
crime. Consider video games like Grand Theft Auto, which, by its own title,
glorifies criminal activity. Not only does it encourage players to engage in
senseless killing, but it also encourages creativity in the mechanisms of death
dealing.
For people who prefer their violence less
interactive, the entertainment industry offers reels of films like the revenge
rampage of Quentin Tarantino's Kill Bill or Hostel's minute-by-minute
glamorization of torture and dismemberment.
And for Americans without video games or movie
theatres, the Internet affords access to pretty much every type of violence
humanly imaginable. Such "speech" rakes in millions for its peddlers,
and most all of it is considered protected by the First Amendment.
What has changed more over the last half century:
The kind of guns currently available or the sensitivity to violence in American
culture?
The abuse of the right to keep and bear arms is
increasingly fueled by an irresponsible exercise of the right to speak freely.
As we continue to lose perspective on the value of human life and offer
unending opportunities for violent fantasies, should we really be surprised
when they become reality?
All of us need to recognize that our rights come
with responsibilities. Whether implementing safe gun ownership practices or
deciding what exercises of free speech we support, we must learn, teach and
exercise discretion. "Constitutionally protected" is not the same as
"morally right" or even "reasonable."
The rights contained in the Constitution must be
maintained because they are the fundamental principles for our free society. We
protect them time and again, even when we clearly see the effects of their
abuse, because we believe that preserving them is worth the risk.
Rather than simply defending our rights, we should
begin to show better judgment in using them.
About the author: Cameron Smith is General Counsel
and Policy Director for the Alabama Policy Institute, a non-partisan,
non-profit research and education organization dedicated to the preservation of
free markets, limited government and strong families, which are indispensable
to a prosperous society.
This article was published by the Alabama Policy
Institute.
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