When religious convictions clash with secular laws,
how far should government go to accommodate religious claims of conscience?
From Colonial conflicts over the refusal of Quakers
to take up arms to the more recent refusal of Jehovah’s Witnesses to salute the
flag, American history is replete with robust arguments over the limits of
“free exercise of religion” as guaranteed by the First Amendment.
Religious groups have scored victories (using peyote
in Native American ceremonies is legal) and suffered defeats (practicing
polygamy is illegal). But in all of these battles, attempts by the state to
burden religious practices are always hotly contested – and that’s as it should
be in a nation founded on religious freedom.
In 2013, religious objections to government laws and
regulations will once again provoke vigorous public debate, countless court
challenges and really tough decisions over whether and when government should
accommodate religious claims of conscience.
Consider that some 30 lawsuits have been filed by
religious groups and individuals challenging the contraceptive-coverage mandate
in the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare). Some of these cases involve
religiously affiliated organizations (such as Catholic hospitals) and others
religious owners of for-profit businesses. Churches and other houses of worship
are already exempt.
At the moment, the Department of Health and Human
Services has imposed a moratorium on enforcement of the contraceptive-coverage
mandate until August, giving the government time to reconsider the regulations
as applied to nonprofit religious employers.
But even if the rules are rewritten to exempt
religiously affiliated organizations (and the prospects that this will happen
are highly uncertain), the mandate will still apply to for-profit businesses
run by religious people who object to providing the coverage because it
violates their faith.
Simply put, does the government have a compelling
interest in requiring a religious employer to pay for insurance that provides
drugs and services that the employer finds religiously objectionable? Or do
religious individuals and groups have the right to be exempt from a government
mandate that they believe substantially burdens their free exercise of
religion?
Parallel questions are at the heart of the same-sex
marriage debate, the other major public-policy battle involving a conflict
between civil laws and religious convictions that will be widely contested in
2013.
With same-sex marriage now legal in nine states plus
the District of Columbia – and with the U.S. Supreme Court poised to rule on
the issue by June – some religious groups are gearing up for a multi-front
fight to win exemptions from state regulations requiring recognition of
same-sex married couples.
Religious organizations opposed to same-sex marriage
say they will argue for new “conscience clauses” and other legislative
accommodations that will protect them from having to recognize same-sex
relationships.
If no such exemptions emerge, some religious leaders
warn, religious groups will be forced to make difficult choices to preserve
their religious freedom. They cite the decision by Catholic Charities in Boston
in 2006 to end their involvement in foster care and adoption rather than
provide those services to same-sex couples as an example of what will happen
elsewhere if religious requests for exemptions are not granted.
It goes without saying that Americans are deeply
divided over the merits of religious demands for accommodation in both of these
public-policy fights.
But I would argue that it is in everyone’s best
interest for lawmakers to do the hard work of finding ways to uphold the free
exercise of religion as much as possible even as they enact laws they believe
serve the common good.
As James Madison argued, the right of every individual
to follow the “dictates of conscience” is an inalienable right – a right that
government has an obligation to protect unless an overriding societal interest
trumps the religious claim. The line the government draws on the religious
freedom of some today may be drawn on many others tomorrow.
Forcing citizens to make what the Supreme Court once
called a “cruel choice” between following their God and conforming to a
government law or regulation that violates their faith may sometimes be
necessary, but in a country committed to religious freedom it should always be
rare.
About the author: Charles C. Haynes is director of
the Religious Freedom Education Project at the Newseum, 555 Pennsylvania Ave.,
N.W., Washington, D.C., 20001. Web: http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/.
E-mail: chaynes[at]freedomforum.org.
This article was published by the First Amendment
Center.
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