The first point would obviously shock a lot of
people — that is, those who are convinced that people’s rights come from the
Constitution. Even many federal judges, who received their education in
government-approved law schools and who received a license of competency from
the state, erroneously believe that the Constitution is the source of people’s
rights. Whenever the issue of rights comes up, those judges say, “Well, let’s
see if that particular right is mentioned in the Constitution to determine
whether it is constitutionally protected.”
The Framers understood that people’s rights existed
before the birth of the Constitution and the federal government. People’s
rights come from God or nature. As Jefferson pointed out in the Declaration of
Independence, the purpose of government is simply to protect people in their
exercise of such fundamental, preexisting rights.
The purpose of the Bill of Rights was to expressly
prohibit the federal government from taking away the fundamental, God-given,
natural rights of the people. That is, obviously, an extraordinary purpose. It
implies that that is precisely what U.S. officials would do.
Consider the First Amendment. It doesn’t purport to
give people the rights of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom
of religion. Instead, it expressly prohibits Congress, and implicitly the
entire federal government, from taking away these fundamental rights of the
people.
Why did our ancestors feel it necessary to enact
such an explicit prohibition? Because they knew that Congress and the federal
government would inevitably attract the type of people who would do that sort
of thing. The purpose of the First Amendment was to clarify that while
Americans had gone along with the Constitution, which called the federal
government into existence, they had done so with the understanding that federal
officials could never suspend or infringe on people’s rights of free speech,
freedom of the press, and religious liberty.
The principle is the same with respect to gun
rights. The right to own guns — indeed, the right to own any kind of property —
existed before the Constitution, the government, and the Bill of Rights. The
Second Amendment simply clarifies that U.S. officials are prohibited from
infringing on this right. But the important thing to remember is that the
Second Amendment doesn’t give anyone the right to keep and bear arms. Instead,
it prohibits U.S. officials from suspending or infringing upon people’s
preexisting God-given, natural right to own guns.
To put it another way, if the Bill of Rights had
never been enacted, people would still have the rights of freedom of speech,
freedom of the press, freedom of religion, and the right to keep and bear arms
because these rights are natural, God-given rights that adhere to all men and
that preexist government.
Time and again, we have seen the wisdom of our
forefathers in enacting the Bill of Rights. Today, there is nothing that many
U.S. officials, including many members of Congress, would love more than to
confiscate everyone’s guns — precisely the action that the Second Amendment was
intended to prevent.
Of course, there are those who say that tyranny
isn’t possible in the United States — that our nation is so exceptional that
such a thing could never happen here. But that’s palpably ridiculous. Human
beings are human beings. Tyranny that befalls other nations could occur here as
well.
If such a thing were to happen, at least Americans,
unlike so many other people around the world, would have the ability to resist
the tyranny with guns. As Ninth Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski put it in his
dissenting opinion in the case of Silveira vs. Lockyer, if Americans permit
their guns to be confiscated, it is a mistake that can only be made once. Once
tyranny sets in, it’s too late to reacquire them to resist the tyranny.
Might U.S. officials respond to crises in the same
way that tyrannical regimes have done in foreign lands? It’s impossible to
predict. But what we do know is that the U.S. government has long supported,
trained, and partnered with foreign tyrannical regimes. That’s obviously not a
good sign.
Consider Iran, which the U.S. government supported,
trained, and partnered under the brutal and tyrannical regime of the shah. U.S.
officials believed in his regime. In fact, they didn’t even see it as a
tyrannical one. They helped train his brutal domestic police-intelligence force
and fully supported its use against the Iranian citizenry, especially with
respect to arbitrary round-ups of dissidents and critics, torture, and even
execution.
Like the shah, U.S. officials viewed the oppression
as maintaining “order and stability.” In their eyes, it wasn’t oppression or
tyranny at all. Of course, the Iranian people disagreed, which was the reason
they revolted in 1979 and ousted the shah and the U.S. government from their
land.
Or take the brutal, tyrannical military dictatorship
in Chile of Augusto Pinochet. U.S. officials, especially the Pentagon and the
CIA, loved it. They saw it as a way to defeat communism. They helped bring
about the coup that brought the military dictatorship into power.
In fact, many of the actions of the U.S.
national-security state in its post-9/11 war on terrorism might easily have
been modeled on the actions that Pinochet took after his coup, which,
ironically, occurred on September 11, 1973. Like President George W. Bush,
Pinochet decreed that he had the power, as commander in chief, to round up
people, cart them away to concentration camps and military dungeons, torture
them, and execute them without due process of law or trial by jury.
Indeed, President Obama’s assassination program is
practically a mirror image of Pinochet’s assassination program. Of course,
Pinochet justified his assassinations under the rubric of killing communists
while Obama justifies his under the rubric of killing terrorists. But obviously
that’s a distinction without a difference. Like Pinochet, Obama does not limit
his assassination program to foreigners. Pinochet also assassinated Chilean
citizens living abroad who he suspected of being communists, such as Orlando
Letelier, just as Obama assassinates American citizens who he suspects of being
terrorists, such as Anwar al-Awlaki and his teenage son.
And like the federal courts in Chile, which showed
extreme deference to Pinochet’s round-ups, incarcerations, torture, and assassinations,
so it is with the federal courts here in the United States with respect to
similar actions taken by the U.S. national-security state in the war on
terrorism.
Egypt is a modern-day example of the U.S.
government’s love of tyrannical military dictatorships. For years, the Egyptian
people suffered under the Hosni Mubarak military dictatorship, one that claimed
the power to round people up, cart them away to prison, torture them, and
execute them. U.S. officials loved it and believed in it all. Year after year
for some 30 years, billions of dollars of U.S. taxpayer money were funneled
into the coffers of the Egyptian military to enable it to fortify its brutal,
tyrannical hold over the Egyptian people.
Of course, U.S. officials never viewed the Mubarak
regime as brutal and tyrannical. The dictatorship was viewed simply as “friend
of the United States” and a “stabilizing force” in the Middle East. The
Egyptian people — the people who were the victims of the cruel and tyrannical
regime — disagreed, which is the reason for their recent rebellion that
succeeded in ousting Mubarak from power.
Don’t forget also that U.S. national-security state
officials chose the Egyptian military dictatorship as one of its
rendition-torture partners in the war on terrorism, precisely owing to its
loyalty and brutality.
What’s the U.S. government’s love of and support of
brutal and tyrannical foreign dictatorships say about the United States? It
says that our American ancestors — those who demanded the enactment of the Second
Amendment — knew exactly what they were doing. Indeed, as our American
ancestors understood so well, the fact that millions of Americans own guns is
the best insurance policy against tyranny that a citizenry can ever have.
About the author: Jacob G. Hornberger is founder and
president of The Future of Freedom Foundation.
This article was published by The Future of Freedom
Foundation.
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